Partial Birth Abortion,
Presidential Politics, Roe v Wade, Constitutionality and
appointments to the Supreme Court.
Partial Birth Abortion: On
March 13, 2004 the United States Senate passed a ban on what opponents refer to
as “partial birth abortion” and what physicians who perform the
procedure refer to as “intact dilation and extraction”. The vote was
64 to 33.
Presidential Politics: 16 Democratic Senators
including Senator Tom Daschle voted for the ban. Senators Kerry and
Edwards were absent and did not vote. The New York Times reports that both
Senators had voted against the ban previous to their announcing as
candidates for President in 2004. President Clinton had vetoed a similar
bill which passed by a similar margin in 1999. In the presidential debates
of 2000, Vice-President Gore sided with now President Bush in stating that
he would sign a ban on “partial birth abortion”.
Roe v Wade(1973): Before
voting to approve the ban on the procedure, the Senate voted a non-binding
resolution in support of Roe v Wade (entire
decision) by a vote of 52 to 46. (Nine Republicans :Campbell, Colo.; Chafee, R.I.; Collins, Maine; Hutchison, Tex.; Murkowski, Alaska; Snowe, Maine; Specter, Pa.; Stevens, Alaska, and Warner,
Va. joined 42 Democrats and one independent in voting for the resolution, which was sponsored by Sen. Tom Harkin
(D-Iowa). The point of the resolution was apparently to
demonstrate that the procedure in question is too extreme for even those
who support Roe v Wade. It is important to note that Roe
v. Wade by no means grants an absolute right of choice to a woman..
Justice Blackmun's majority opinion as he summarized it:
To summarize and to repeat:
1. A state criminal abortion statute of the current Texas type, that excepts from criminality only a lifesaving procedure on behalf of the mother, without regard to pregnancy stage and without recognition of the other interests involved, is violative of the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
(a) For the stage prior to approximately the end of the first trimester, the abortion decision and its effectuation must be left to the medical judgment of the pregnant woman's attending physician.
(b) For the stage subsequent to approximately the end of the first trimester, the State, in promoting its interest in the health of the mother, may, if it chooses, regulate the abortion procedure in ways that are reasonably related to maternal health.
(c) For the stage subsequent to viability, the State in promoting its interest in the potentiality of human life [p165] may, if it chooses, regulate, and even proscribe, abortion except where it is necessary, in appropriate medical judgment, for the preservation of the life or health of the mother.
2. The State may define the term "physician," as it has been employed in the preceding paragraphs of this Part XI of this opinion, to mean only a physician currently licensed by the State, and may proscribe any abortion by a person who is not a physician as so defined.
In Doe v. Bolton, post, p. 179, procedural requirements contained in one of the modern abortion statutes are considered. That opinion and this one, of course, are to be read together. [n67]
This holding, we feel, is consistent with the relative weights of the respective interests involved, with the lessons and examples of medical and legal history, with the lenity of the common law, and with the demands of the profound problems of the present day.
The decision leaves the State free to place increasing restrictions on abortion as the period of pregnancy lengthens, so long as those restrictions are tailored to the recognized state interests.
The decision vindicates the right of the physician to administer medical treatment according to his professional judgment up to the points where important [p166] state interests provide compelling justifications for intervention. Up to those points, the abortion decision in all its aspects is inherently, and primarily, a medical decision, and basic responsibility for it must rest with the physician. If an individual practitioner abuses the privilege of exercising proper medical judgment, the usual remedies, judicial and intra-professional, are available.
Constitutionality: Is
the bill Constitutional in light of Sternberg
v Carhart decided
June 28, 2000
? The United States Supreme
Court in a 5-4 decision ruled that
Nebraska
’s ban on “partial birth abortion” was unconstitutional. The
consensus of legal analysts seems to be that it was the
Nebraska
law’s failure to protect the health of the mother as required by Roe
v Wade which was its fatal flaw. The sponsors of the bill passed by
the Senate March 13 claim that they have dealt with this issue by their
Congressional findings. The Supreme Court’s decisions are based on
judicial findings of a case in controversy so this will be interesting to
watch.
Appointments to the Supreme Court: Anti-abortionists
are hoping that by the time the restriction on this procedure reaches the
Supreme Court, President Bush will have made enough new appointments so
that 5 of the justices would not declare it unconstitutional.
Interestingly enough, Justice O’Connor is the only Justice who would
need to be replaced for that to happen.
The vote in Sternberg
v Carhart was:
Justices O’Connor, Souter, Stephens, Breyer, and
Ginsburg were in the majority.
Justices Rehnquist, Thomas, Kennedy and Scalia were
in the minority.
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